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Stop centring Western academic ethics: deidentification in social science research – Anna Denejkina0

 

This blog will provide a discussion of issues present in deidentifying marginalised research participants, or research participants who request to be identified, in the publication of qualitative research. As my research is mixed-method (quantitative and multi-method qualitative) it included several data collection techniques and analyses. For this discussion, I will specifically focus on the face-to-face and Skype interviews I conducted with participants in Russia and the United States.

My PhD study investigates intergenerational transmission of combat-related trauma from parent to child, focusing on the Soviet–Afghan war, 1979–89. This research includes interviews with Soviet veterans and family members of veterans; it was these interviews that raised questions of participant erasure and agency. From 12 face-to-face and Skype interview participants, one participant requested complete deidentification; one requested that their real name not be used but their location and other identifying details remain; two participants requested that only their first names be used and their location and other identifying details remain; the eight remaining participants requested that they be fully identified, with some participants sending me photographs of them and their families for inclusion in research publications. Given the social and political sensitivity that persists in Eastern Europe around the discussion of the Soviet invasion into Afghanistan, I had to consider and discuss with participants that requested they be identified the issue of their safety.

My research participants are marginalized participants by virtue of the topic of my research, the Soviet–Afghan war, and the ongoing silencing treatment they’ve received during and following the war by the state:

To take just two examples: in the hope of obscuring the true impact of the war, some local authorities refused to allow special areas in cemeteries to be set apart for the graves of soldiers killed in Afghanistan; while others forbade the cause and place of death to be stated on gravestones or memorial shields. (Aleksievich, Whitby & Whitby 1992, p.5–6)

Given academic broad-stroke standards of deidentifying research participants, we must review the ethics of this practice as it can promote and perpetuate erasure of marginalised participants and the silencing of their voices. Some textbooks on the topic of ethics in the social sciences approach anonymity and deidentification of participants from the angle that anonymity is part of the basic expectations of a research participant, without elaborating that anonymity is not always desirable nor ethical (see for example Ransome 2013), essentially replicating the medical model of human research ethics developed for the regulation of biomedical research in the United States (Dingwall 2016, p.25). Such an approach does not address the issues of presenting anonymity as a status-quo in social research, and makes a sweeping – and a Western academic – generalisation that anonymity is one of the vital assurances researchers must give to their participants to keep within their duty of care (that is, that researchers have at least some obligation to care for their research participants).

This approach to research ethics negates participant agency, particularly those participants that request they be identified in research. Furthermore, forced anonymity can be an act of disrespecting participants (Mattingly 2005, p.455–456) who may have already experienced invisibility and who are then further erased through anonymity by researchers (Scarth & Schafer 2016, p.86); for example, “in some Australian and, in particular, some Indigenous cultures, failing to name sources is both a mark of disrespect and a sign of poor research practice” (Israel, Allen & Thomson 2016, p.296).

As researchers, we must also question if presenting this approach as a vital tenet of social research can become a damaging rule-of-thumb for new researchers who might, therefore, not question the potential undermining of participant agency, and use deidentification unethically as a sweeping regulation within their research without consideration for the individual situations of their research participants. This is part of the issue created by applying a medical model of ethics assessment processes to the social sciences, in which the prevailing interpretation is that deidentification is also required within social research, whereas the reality is that specific agreements between the researcher and the research participant must be honoured.

The ethical dilemma, therefore is: can researchers ethically deidentify participants at the expense of the participants’ agency, potentially perpetuating the historical and symbolic erasure of their voices and experiences? I argue that, based on research design and data collection methods, this decision-making process is an ‘ethics in practice’ and must be approached in context, individually for each study, and for each individual participant.
As scholars, we want to minimise or eradicate harm that might come to our participants through our research. While we think “in advance about how to protect those who are brought into the study” (Tolich 2016, p.30) this must be a continual process throughout our project, in which we “work out the meaning of what constitutes ethical research and human rights in a particular context” (Breckenridge, James & Jops 2016, p.169; also see Ntseane 2009). This is important to note, because protection does not only refer to participants but also to others connected to them. For example, the use of a real name at the request of a participant may expose their family member(s) who were not part of the research.

Consequentialist approaches to ethics suggest that “an action can be considered morally right or obligatory if it will produce the greater possible balance of good over evil” (Israel, 2015: 10; also see Reynolds, 1979). This is an approach we could take to issues around deidentification; however, this also means that researchers must know what is good or bad. In studies like mine, this would mean knowing (or making an attempt, or an assumption to know) what is good or bad for my research participants. This action is infantilising, and places the researcher above the research participant by making the final call ourselves, which is to remove participant agency – if we can assume participants are autonomous during the research consent process, we must also assume that they are autonomous in making decisions with respect to their identification (Said 2016, p.212). Additionally, this action may be culturally insensitive given that Western human research ethics committees follow Western cultural guidelines, centring the dominance of Western academia.

The ethical issues I faced during my PhD research highlight why researchers cannot take a sweeping approach to deidentification in qualitative research – not even for a single study. ‘Ethics in practice’ means that each participant’s situation is analysed individually, and issues around erasure, safety, and their agency weighed against each other to reach a conclusion. I propose that if this conclusion is at odds with the preference of the participant, that it must then be taken back to the participant for further discussion. Not implementing this aspect of ‘ethics in practice’ goes against social science ethics, that we must avoid doing long-term and systemic harm, both of which come through erasure and silencing. We must also remember that “any research project has the potential to further disenfranchise vulnerable groups” (Breckenridge, James & Jops 2016, p.169), and ignoring the wishes of participants regarding their identification due to a Western model of ethics can cause further damage to these groups.

References:
Aleksievich, S., Whitby, J. & Whitby, R. 1992, Zinky Boys: Soviet voices from a forgotten war, Chatto & Windus, London.

Breckenridge, J., James, K. & Jops, P. 2016, ‘Rights, relationship and reciprocity: Ethical research practice with refugee women from Burma and New Delhi, India’, in K. Nakray, M. Alston & K. Whittenbury (eds), Social Sciences Research Ethics for a Globalizing World: Interdisciplinary and Cross-Cultural Perspectives, Routledge, New York, pp. 167–186.

Dingwall, R. 2016, ‘The social costs of ethics regulation’, in W.C. van den Hoonaard & A. Hamilton (eds),The Ethics Rupture, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, pp. 25–42.

Israel, M., Allen, G. & Thomson, C. 2016, ‘Australian research ethics governance: Plotting the demise of the adversarial culture’, in W.C. van der Hoonaard & A. Hamilton (eds),The Ethics Rupture, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, pp. 285–216.

Mattingly, C. 2005, ‘Toward a vulnerable ethics of research practice’, Health: An Inderdisciplinary Journal for the Social Study of Health, Illness and Medicine, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 453–471.

Ntseane, P.G. 2009, ‘The ethics of the researcher-subject relationship: Experiences from the field’, in D.M. Mertens & P.E. Ginsberg (eds), The Handbook of Social Research Ethics, 1st edn, Sage, Thousand Oaks, pp. 295–307.
Ransome, P. 2013, ‘Social research and professional codes of ethics’, Ethics and Values in Social Research, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, pp. 24–53.

Said, D.G. 2016, ‘Transforming the lens of vulnerability: Human agency as an ethical consideration in research with refugees’, in K. Nakray, M. Alston & K. Whittenbury (eds),Social Sciences Research Ethics for a Globalizing World: Interdisciplinary and Cross-Cultural Perspectives, Routledge, New York, pp. 208–222.

Scarth, B. & Schafer, C. 2016, ‘Resilient Vulnerabilities: Bereaved Persons Discuss Their Experience of Participating in Thanatology Research’, in M. Tolich (ed.), Qualitative Ethics in Practice, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, CA, pp. 85–98.

‘Tolich, M. 2016, ‘Contemporary Ethical Dilemmas in Qualitative Research’, in M. Tolich (ed.), Qualitative Ethics in Practice, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, CA, pp. 25–32.

Statement of interest
No interests to declare.

Contributor
Anna Denejkina | Casual Academic and PhD  candidate in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, researching intergenerational trauma transmission UTS | Staff profileAnna.Denejkina@uts.edu.au

This post may be cited as:
Denejkina A. (24 May 2018) Stop centring Western academic ethics: deidentification in social science research. Research Ethics Monthly. Retrieved from: https://ahrecs.com/human-research-ethics/stop-centring-western-academic-ethics-deidentification-in-social-science-research-anna-denejkina

‘Don’t mention the c word: Covert research and the stifling ethics regime in the social sciences’0

 

Covert research is associated with deliberate deception in social research and equated with harm and risk to the researcher, the researched, the institution and the field. It is a controversial and emotive tradition that runs counter to and violates the received orthodoxy and professional mantra of informed consent enshrined in various ethical committees, institutional review boards and professional codes of practice. It is a methodological pariah and last resort position that is frowned upon, submerged, marginalized, stigmatized and effectively demonized (Calvey, 2017) in the social sciences. Indeed, to some in that community, to even contemplate a covert move is a belligerent step too far, which displays a cavalier attitude and belligerent lack of ethics. This view of deliberate misrepresentation (Erikson, 1967) accurately represents the received tone of much of the debate around covert research for a lengthy period of time. For many, despite the growing critical literature on informed consent as ideologically idealistic and disconnected from field realities, this derogatory and simplistic characterization of covert research has not altered.

I call for a fairer reading of the covert tradition and, hopefully in turn, a greater appreciation and recognition of the disruptive and invigorating role that covert research has brought to the social sciences. By using covert research, one enters into an ethical labyrinth and moral minefield, saturated in ethical dilemmas and puzzles, but it does not automatically follow that covert researchers have no ethical conscience. Often what are displayed are complex ethical self-regulations and guilt syndromes. Ethics then becomes a situated matter of application as well as a textbook understanding. What is partly called for is a broader and more nuanced way of understanding research ethics in practice.

From my own covert ethnography of bouncers in the night-time economy of Manchester, I experienced a series of ethical moments around witnessing violence and gaining deviant knowledge, that I managed in the field. Part of my sustained passing in the setting was accepting and not altering their moral code and sensibility about events, even though I might have a different personal interpretation. After my lived experience of six months as a covert nomadic bouncer doing different doors in the city, I felt that I had a richer appreciation of their subcultural values and cultural realities. Part of my investigation was in debunking the moral panics and stigma around bouncing being by one of them from the inside.

The classic covert exemplars of Cressey and his study of sex work, Festinger et al and their study of religious cults, Goffman’s study of Asylums, Milgram’s torture and pain experiments, Humphreys’ study of  public sexual deviance and Rosenhan’s pseudo-patient study of psychiatric diagnoses are found in most ethics textbooks and are clearly seminal and instructive work with a significant ongoing scholarship about them, which tend to conventionally frame the field of covert research. However, these classics, or what I call usual suspects, can also limit and narrow our understanding of the covert diaspora, with many other covert gems staying submerged. Also, some might erroneously draw the conclusion that covert research is an older tradition that is not conducted anymore. Indeed, the contemporary covert diaspora, on further investigation, is very diverse in the social sciences and spans several topics and fields including, and not definitively, crime, education, health, leisure, politics, religion and work.

On further granulation, these covert studies are rarely purist and employ more mixed strategies involving gate-keeping and key informants. Some studies, moreover, involve more unwitting types of concealment, rather than being designed deceptively. The diaspora then is more akin to a continuum rather than a fixed state of deception. Because the field of covert research is not incremental, integrated, or cross-fertilized, some of the studies have a stand-alone status in their respective fields. This is also compounded by the dearth of dedicated literature on covert research.

There has been a revival of sorts in covert research, although it is ultimately still likely to remain a relatively niche position. This revival, in part, comes from the significant rise in popularity of autoethnography and cyber ethnography, particularly forms of online lurking. A significant amount of them have covert dimensions, both witting and unwitting. A diverse range of sensitive and controversial topics has been explored by both methods.

The classic ethical question of do the means justify the ends often trades on an ideal-type view of informed consentand an inflated and exaggerated view of the potential harm, risk, and danger of covert research.

The hyper-alarmist response to covert research is partly based on a caricatured picture of covert research as heroic. Related to this, the image of the covert researcher is also tied up with versions of undercover research from popular culture in the sense of filmic and television sources, which can give an overly romanticized and glamorized view of the field. Covert research has also been a long accepted and normalized investigatory strategy for a range of practitioners and professionals, particularly in the police, the military and investigative journalism. Some of these covert investigations have had significant impact and influenced reform and change.

Covert research thus becomes a convenient scapegoat for those ethicists who quickly and strictly oppose it in any format, even if it could be used in a complementary way as part of a mixed or multiple methods approach. Covert work can be justified by providing a different type of insider insight, particularly in secretive settings and with illicit topics.

That is not to say that covert research can be zealously seen as a panacea. Nor is it the case that we no longer need robust ethical review processes and that ethical boards and committees are thus rejected and redundant. Such processes and organizations are useful and necessary but they need to refine, connect and adapt their policy sensibilities and mentalities to the messy nature of fieldwork realities.

In the current increasingly corporate climate of research, there has been what Hammersley (2010) cogently describes as creeping ethical regulation and the strangling of research, with covert research being particularly stifled. Miller (1995) described covert participation as the least used method and called for its reconsideration. Roulet et al (2017), in their more recent reconsideration of the value of covert research, argue that it has had a profound role in shaping the social sciences. Covert research can be a creative way, and certainly not the only way, to positively disrupt how we think about applied ethics. It offers an alternative way of doing situated ethics rather than being utterly devoid of them. Covert research is not to everyone’s taste, and will probably continue to offend some, but it should, nevertheless, be considered. Covert research will no doubt remain an object of both fear and fascination.

References

Calvey, D. (2017) Covert Research: The Art, Ethics and Politics of Undercover Fieldwork, London: Sage.

Erikson, K. T. (1967) ‘A comment on disguised observation in sociology’, Social Problems, 14 (4): 366–373.

Hammersley, M. (2010) ‘Creeping Ethical Regulation and the Strangling of Research’, Sociological Research Online, 15 (4) 16.

Miller, M. (1995) ‘Covert Participant Observation: Reconsidering the least used method’, Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 11 (2): 97-105.

Roulet, T. J., Gill, M. J., Stenger, S and Gill, D. J. (2017) ‘Reconsidering the Value of Covert Research: The Role of Ambiguous Consent in Participant Observation’, Organizational Research Methods, 20 (3): 487-517.

Contributor
Dr David Calvey
Senior Lecturer | Manchester Metropolitan University | Staff profile | d.calvey@mmu.ac.uk

This post may be cited as:
Calvey D. (2017, 6 February 2018) ‘Don’t mention the c word: Covert research and the stifling ethics regime in the social sciences’. Research Ethics Monthly. Retrieved from https://ahrecs.com/human-research-ethics/dont-mention-c-word-covert-research-stifling-ethics-regime-social-sciences

A Model for the Participation of Indigenous Children and Young People in Research0

 

Following my September 2017 piece: Ethics and the Participation of Indigenous Children and Young People in Research, this article briefly overviews the research model I developed in my PhD. The model is based on a children’s rights-based approach (CRBA) to research informed by Indigenous research methodologies. It combines Laura Lundy’s[1] analysis of Article 12 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) with aspects of Indigenous research methodologies articulated by Ray (Indigenous convergence methodology)[2] and Nakata (Indigenous standpoint theory).[3] The field research methods sought to engage with children and young people in a culturally appropriate and child friendly way by using Bessarab and Ng’andu’s[4] ‘yarning’ approach, as well as a range of other child friendly and play based methods such as drawing, modelling with playdough, as well as photography and peer-to-peer video interviewing using iPads[5].

Lundy’s diagram below highlights the interpretation of Article 12 of the CRC adopted in the research. This interpretation emphasises that Article 12 requires governments to ensure children and young people not only have the opportunity to voice their views about matters affecting them, but that their views are taken into consideration and influence the decisions that are made.

Lundy’s Conceptualisation of Article 12[6]

The child rights-based model used prioritised child-centred play in the research process and engaged with children, rather than doing research on or about children[7]. Some of these interactions are depicted below in the photographs.

10-Year-Old Child Modelling Something that is Important to Him—‘My Family’[8]

10-Year-Old Child Modelling Something that is Important to Him—‘I Like Toys, and Robots … and Dreamtime and Culture Dance’[9]

Experimental Photography, Testing the Functionality of the iPads [10]

Making an iPad Video [11]

Taking part in social research can expose Indigenous children and young people to varying degrees of risk however ‘the line between gate-keeping intended for the protection of participants and their communities and the risk of sliding into paternalism is a thin one.’[12] Research that is carried out in an ethically robust, age appropriate and culturally sensitive way can present avenues for Indigenous children and young people to express their views and have these views taken into consideration in accordance with Article 12 of the CRC.

This research suggests Indigenous children and young people are ready, willing and able to voice their perspectives about matters affecting them, if given the opportunity in appropriate circumstances and in an appropriate setting. The findings of this research debunk conceptualisations of Indigenous children and young people as passive and vulnerable. The implications of viewing and defining Indigenous children and young people in this way limits their civic participation and reduces opportunities for their voice to be heard about matters affecting them.

A children’s rights-based approach to research positions children and young people as empowered co-researchers, with expertise and valuable perspectives capable of leading and informing the research process. It is an approach which engages children and young people in research in a collaborative way that fulfils, promotes and protects a range of rights provided for by the CRC, in particular, their rights to participate in decision making processes.

For more information about the research model see Doel-Mackaway, Holly, ‘I think it’s Okay … But it’s Racist, it’s Bad Racism’: Aboriginal Children and Young People’s Views about the Intervention’ (2017) 43(1) Monash University Law Review 76.

In 2018 Routledge is publishing a book about this PhD research.

References

Barker, John and Susie Weller, ‘“Is It Fun?” Developing Children Centred Research Methods’ (2003) 23(1/2) International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 33.

Bat, Melodie et al, ‘Ethical Moves: Innovation in Qualitative Research: An Example of an Ethical and Effective Cross-Cultural Research Methodology Using Video’ (Paper presented at the AARE Annual Conference, Canberra, 2009);

Bessarab, Dawn and Bridget Ng’andu, ‘Yarning about Yarning as a Legitimate Method in Indigenous Research’ (2010) 3(1) International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 37.

Coram, Stella, ‘Rethinking Indigenous Research Approval: The Perspective of a “Stranger”’ (2011) 11(2) Qualitative Research Journal 38.

Kral, Inge (2010) ‘Plugged In: Remote Australian Indigenous Youth and Digital Culture’ (Working Paper No 69/2010, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, May 2010). http://caepr.anu.edu.au/Publications/WP/2010WP69.php

Lundy, Laura, ‘“Voice” Is Not Enough: Conceptualising Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child’ (2007) 33 British Educational Research Journal 927.

Nakata, Martin, Disciplining the Savages: Savaging the Disciplines (Aboriginal Studies Press, 2007), chapter 11.

Ray, Lana, ‘Deciphering the “Indigenous” in Indigenous Methodologies’ (2012) 8(1) AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 85, 88, 88. See also Lester-Irabinna Rigney, ‘Indigenist Research and Aboriginal Australia’ in Julian Kunnie and Nomalungelo Ivy Goduka (eds), Indigenous Peoples’ Wisdom and Power: Affirming Our Knowledge Through Narratives (Ashgate Publishing, 2006) 32.

Contributor
Dr Holly Doel-Mackaway | Lecturer | Macquarie Law School |
Dr Doel-Mackaway’s Macquarie staff page | holly.doel-mackaway@mq.edu.au

This post may be cited as:
Doel-Mackaway H. (2017, 20 October 2017) A Model for the Participation of Indigenous Children and Young People in Research Research Ethics Monthly. Retrieved from: https://ahrecs.com/human-research-ethics/model-participation-indigenous-children-young-people-research

Footnotes

[1]Laura Lundy, ‘“Voice” Is Not Enough: Conceptualising Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child’ (2007) 33 British Educational Research Journal 927.
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[2]Lana Ray, ‘Deciphering the “Indigenous” in Indigenous Methodologies’ (2012) 8(1) AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 85, 88, 88. See also Lester-Irabinna Rigney, ‘Indigenist Research and Aboriginal Australia’ in Julian Kunnie and Nomalungelo Ivy Goduka (eds), Indigenous Peoples’ Wisdom and Power: Affirming Our Knowledge Through Narratives (Ashgate Publishing, 2006) 32.
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[3]Martin Nakata, Disciplining the Savages: Savaging the Disciplines (Aboriginal Studies Press, 2007), chapter 11
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[4]Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu, ‘Yarning about Yarning as a Legitimate Method in Indigenous Research’ (2010) 3(1) International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 37.
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[5]Melodie Bat et al, ‘Ethical Moves: Innovation in Qualitative Research: An Example of an Ethical and Effective Cross-Cultural Research Methodology Using Video’ (Paper presented at the AARE Annual Conference, Canberra, 2009); Inge Kral, ‘Plugged In: Remote Australian Indigenous Youth and Digital Culture’ (Working Paper No 69/2010, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, May 2010).
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[6] Laura Lundy, ‘“Voice” is Not Enough: Conceptualising Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child’ (2007) 33(6) British Educational Research Journal 927, 932
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[7]John Barker and Susie Weller, ‘“Is It Fun?” Developing Children Centred Research Methods’ (2003) 23(1/2) International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 33, 33.
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[8]10-year-old male, Primary Class Group Discussion, Field Research Session 1 (of 4) (Northern Territory, 13 May 2014).
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[9] 10-year-old male, Primary Class Group Discussion, Field Research Session 1 (of 4) (Northern Territory, 13 May 2014).
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[10]14-year-old male, Secondary Class Group Discussion, Field Research Session 3 (of 4) (Northern Territory, 20 May 2014).
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[11] 10-year-old male, Primary Class Group Discussion, Field Research Session 1 (of 4) (Northern Territory, 13 May 2014
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[12]Stella Coram, ‘Rethinking Indigenous Research Approval: The Perspective of a “Stranger”’ (2011) 11(2) Qualitative Research Journal 38, 45.

Ethics and the Participation of Indigenous Children and Young People in Research0

 

Indigenous children and young people’s participation in social research raises a range of ethical issues that researchers and participants must grapple with prior to and throughout the research process. These issues include for example, matters to do with protocols for seeking consent, ensuring the research process is culturally respectful and age appropriate, whether the research environment and methods used are child friendly and participants can freely express their views, and ensuring the research endeavour is mutually beneficial.

In Australia, all research involving Indigenous children and young people must be guided by, and adhere to the principles articulated in the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (‘National Statement’), particularly chapter 4.2 of that Statement. If the research is health related it must comply with the National Health and Medical Research Council’s Values and Ethics: Guidelines for Ethical Conduct in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Research (‘NHMRC Values and Ethics Guidelines’). These documents instruct researchers about how to undertake research in an ethically sound manner, and the principles they contain are fundamental to the manner in which Australian ethics committees assess human research applications. Additionally, the Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies (‘AIATSIS Guidelines’) are particularly instructive and helpful and are becoming more widely used by researchers and ethics committees alike.

There is a gap however, in relation to a comprehensive ethical framework for the involvement of Indigenous children and young people in social research. The National Statement communicates the ethical parameters for the involvement of children in research; and the NHMRC Values and Ethics Guidelines and the AIATSIS Guidelines set out a framework for the involvement of Indigenous people in research. The National Statement specifically refers to research relating to children and young people, but does not mention research relating to Indigenous children and young people; and there is no mention of children or young people in either the NHMRC Values and Ethics Guidelines nor the AIATSIS Guidelines. Thus, in Australia there is no single overarching ethical framework that specifically pertains to the involvement of Indigenous children and young people in research. Read together however, these three documents provide a firm basis upon which to develop and assess the breadth of ethical considerations regarding the involvement of Indigenous children and young people in research, particularly when read in conjunction with the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).

There is much to say about the CRC and the UNDRIP in relation to Indigenous children and young people’s participation in research. All research endeavours involving children and young people must uphold the comprehensive body of children’s rights set out in the CRC. These rights are numerous, therefore the task of ensuring compliance with the CRC for child related research may at first instance appear overwhelming for researchers. One vital provision in the CRC is worthy of focused attention. This is the principle articulated in article 12—children’s right to participate in ‘all matters affecting’ them. This is an instructive and appropriate starting point for researchers to base their considerations of how a research process can adhere to children’s rights principles, and in doing so create a child friendly, culturally respectful and age appropriate research environment that reduces risks participants may experience as a result of taking part in the research. Article 12 of the CRC provides that:

States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child.

Article 12 aligns well with the ethical considerations specific to children and young people outlined in chapter 4.2 of the National Statement. Article 12 is widely accepted as the ‘lynchpin’ of the CRC, and a foundational right upon which other rights depend and emerge. The Committee responsible for overseeing the global implementation of the CRC makes this clear when they said article 12 ‘establishes not only a right in itself, but should also be considered in the interpretation and implementation of all other rights.’

The language of this provision is strong. Note the use of compelling words such as ‘shall assure’ emphasising children’s right to free expression, and the all-encompassing subject matter to which the provision applies, namely to ‘all matters affecting’ them. These words are emphatic and when they came into force this drastically altered the pre-CRC, and post CRC, rights framework for children globally.

Involving Indigenous children and young people in research processes, particularly by non-Indigenous researchers, must be carried out in accordance with national guidelines, and in a way that upholds participant’s rights as children in accordance with the CRC, as well as their rights as Indigenous peoples in line with the UNDRIP.

In the absence of a comprehensive and unified ethical framework for engaging Indigenous children and young people in research I developed a model and detailed this in my PhD as well as in the Monash University Law Review. This model is a child rights-based approach informed by Indigenous research methodologies that uses child friendly and culturally sensitive research methods: yarning and peer-to-peer video interviewing to engage children and young people in research. This model is based on national ethics guidelines, the provisions set out in the CRC and UNDRIP, and draws on current scholarship in the area. The development of this model contributes to enhancing the ethical framework that regulates and guides the participation of Indigenous children and young people in social research.

References

Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies (2nd revised ed, 2012)

Bessarab, Dawn and Bridget Ng’andu, ‘Yarning About Yarning as a Legitimate Method in Indigenous Research’ (2010) 3(1) Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 37

Convention on the Rights of the Child opened for signature 20 November 1989, 44 UNTS 25 (entered into force 2 September 1990)

Doel-Mackaway, Holly, ‘“I think it’s Okay … But it’s Racist, it’s Bad Racism”: Aboriginal Children and Young People’s Views about the Intervention’ (2017) 43(1) Monash University Law Review (forthcoming Sept, 2017)

Freeman, Michael, ‘Whither Children: Protection, Participation, Autonomy?’ (1994) 22(3) Manitoba Law Journal 307

National Health and Medical Research Council, the Australian Research Council and the Australian Vice-Chancellors’ Committee, ‘National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research’ (2007, updated December 2013)

National Health and Medical Research Council, Values and Ethics: Guidelines for Ethical Conduct in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Research (Commonwealth of Australia, 2003)

UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, General Comment No 12, ‘The Right of the Child to be Heard,’ UN Doc CRC/C/GC/12 (1 July 2009)

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, GA Res 61/295, UN GAOR, 61st sess, 107th plen mtg, Supp No 49, UN Doc A/RES/61/295 (13 September 2007)

Contributor
Dr Holly Doel-Mackaway | Lecturer | Macquarie Law School | Dr Doel-Mackaway’s Macquarie staff pageholly.doel-mackaway@mq.edu.au

This post may be cited as:
Doel-Mackaway H. (2017, 21 September 2017) Ethics and the Participation of Indigenous Children and Young People in Research Research Ethics Monthly. Retrieved from: https://ahrecs.com/human-research-ethics/ethics-participation-indigenous-children-young-people-research